By Sarwar Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything fairly amiss with the European-American dating that multilateralism won't repair. now not precise, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be fastened, and has to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to deal with Europe's emergence as a big strength. one of those usa of Europe, with overseas priorities various from these of the us, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the USA continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly battle realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the eu Union to fall into step, and file for carrier as needed—under American leadership.Europe, even though, has different plans, and because it turns into extra robust at the global level, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq battle has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it used to be a couple of department among American ambitions and eu targets. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. as a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American detailed dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in accordance with a distinct courting with the eu Union. This time table is electrified through the strategies of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this publication, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British leading minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra info for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
The first was its argument (later proven to be totally fallacious) that there was an imminent threat to American security from Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. It was an argument that Hagel did not even bother to bring up and one of which James A. W. Bush, did not seem to think much of either. In addition to the weapons-of-mass-destruction argument, the administration forcefully trumpeted an alleged alliance between the Iraqi regime and al-Qaeda, a claim the administration made over the continued and forceful objections of the intelligence community.
According to Clark, France has always taken a global view; it has possessions around the world, and it views its responsibilities and capabilities as global in scope even though it is smaller than the United States. France believes it has a certain cultural and historic superiority in terms of finesse, in its ability to see problems and react and respond appropriately. It has for years dealt with peacekeeping in North and South Africa and, since Algeria,3 has done quite well. “It inserts forces, it manipulates local elites, it rewards and punishes, it extracts, it re-inserts, it fights quiet wars—with professional soldiers and skilled diplomats—wars that slide under the nose of the French political system,” Clark said.
Europeans were convinced the United States was about to unleash nuclear war and destroy the world, [and it was] generating massive opposition,” he said. It was France that took the full brunt of the blows rained on the recalcitrant Europeans by the American administration during the lead-up to the Iraqi war, and France returned them in full measure. To most Americans it was inconceivable that France, an ally, had threatened to veto the second United Nations resolution on Iraq without even seeing it; this seemed to cross all boundaries of behavior by an ally.
America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide by Sarwar Kashmeri