By Matt Richtel
From Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Matt Richtel, an excellent, narrative-driven exploration of technology’s titanic impression at the human brain and society, dramatically-told in the course of the lens of a sad “texting-while-driving” vehicle crash that claimed the lives of 2 rocket scientists in 2006.
In this bold, compelling, and fantastically written publication, Matt Richtel, a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter for the recent York instances, examines the impression of expertise on our lives in the course of the tale of Utah collage scholar Reggie Shaw, who killed scientists whereas texting and riding. Richtel follows Reggie during the tragedy, the police research, his prosecution, and finally, his redemption.
In the wake of his event, Reggie has develop into a number one suggest opposed to “distracted driving.” Richtel interweaves Reggie’s tale with state-of-the-art medical findings relating to human recognition and the influence of expertise on our brains, featuring reliable, functional, and actionable suggestions to assist deal with this quandary separately and as a society.
A propulsive learn jam-packed with interesting, available element, riveting narrative stress, and emotional intensity, a perilous Wandering explores one of many greatest questions of our time—what is all of our expertise doing to us?—and presents unsettling and critical solutions and data all of us want.
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Additional info for A Deadly Wandering: A Tale of Tragedy and Redemption in the Age of Attention
Thus, in chapter 7, I shall discuss the implications of ®ndings from older children and adults for accounts of the development of mindreading in young children. Secondly, evidence that children's mindreading is strongly related to their developing language and executive function is cast in a rather different light by recent evidence of mindreading in human infants and non-human animals, and it is to this that I turn in the next chapter. Notes 1 There are many variations on these paradigms with different characters and different scenarios.
Fifteen-month-old infants ®rst viewed event sequences that familiarized them with Sally placing an object in one of the two boxes (let's say, the round box), and then reaching to retrieve it. 1), Sally places her object in the round box and leaves the scene. In her absence the object moves to the square box. Sally returns and either searches in the round box (consistent with her false belief ) or the square box (inconsistent with her false belief ). Infants looked signi®cantly longer when Sally's search was inconsistent with her false belief.
From the literature on mindreading in children it appears that there is no easy answer to these questions. It is just not clear whether we should credit a child with a concept of ``knowledge'' (for example) when she ®rst shows sensitivity to her mum's ``experience'' at 14 months (as discussed in chapter 3), when she ®rst makes correct verbal judgements about someone else's lack of knowledge at 3 years, or when she ®rst understands Oedipus problems at 6 years. , Fodor, 1992; Leslie, 1994b)? Surprisingly often, false belief tasks are viewed as the ``one true test'' of mindreading but this seems wholly arbitrary in the face of the diverse abilities of children at different ages.
A Deadly Wandering: A Tale of Tragedy and Redemption in the Age of Attention by Matt Richtel